Migration and Masculinity

Migration and Masculinity

In this section we shall be looking at migration in general (and to the Gulf in particular) by males in Kerala as an important part of the male life cycle and as a coveted rite of passage to masculinity. In their article "Migration, Money and Maculinity in Kerala" (Royal Anthropological Institute, 2000), Filippo Osella and Caroline Osella of the University of Sussex argue that this migration is a means to expedite one's growth into maturity and the prototypical culturally idealized form that South Indian males are expected to aspire to.

The usual male migrant to the Gulf from Kerala is rich and successful (at least in the eyes of society). It is an almost universal goal amongst Malayali payyanmar (young Malayali males) to reach this state in life - an aspiration which is not culturally discriminating among males, but in Kerala the easiest, and perhaps for some, the only way to get to it is via migration. The authors have cited four broad categories into which such males can be divided into as migrants and upon return to their native place.

1. The first category is the gulfan. This is the only category that includes the migrant during his migratory period. It represents the phase of a migrant during his periodic visits home, and immediately upon return from the Gulf. He is described as a "transitional and individualistic figure" more interested in money and conspicuous consumption and in need of being brought back to traditional family life.

Upon return to his home, the gulfan usually makes the transition to the following two categories and maintain a fine balance between these extremes.

2. The pavam is the unsuccessful male who through fastidious observance of sociocultural norms and practices has squandered away his wealth and is thus rendered incapable of supporting his family or starting one of his own.

3. The kallan on the other hand being at the opposite end of the spectrum is one who refuses to follow his obligations to society, being self-interested and anti-social. He is generally despised.

To most people these are ambivalent choices, which is worse for the pavam who is essentially an innocent good guy but isguided and generous to the extent of personal ruin.

These categories of males are variously and exaggeratedly portrayed in popular culture, which adds to the sheen associated with migration. In films and plays the returning gulfan arrives by taxi from the airport laden with boxes upon boxes of gifts, smokes only foreign cigarettes and drinks his "Johnny Walker Red Label." He is dressed in designer clothes, sporting Ray-Bans and Nike/Reebok with a gold watch and/or bracelet. Then there is also the failed gulfan who is not spared in his ignominy. Initially like the previous category, within a week he is seen at the local toddy shop buying single bidis. His gold is pawned off to pay for various obligations and he bears the tag of being a manual labourer - a despised coolie worker on a construction site.

4. The final category is the classic Indian male patron-householder, the desired end-state to the gulfan's journey abroad and back.

These four categories are thus not only on the basis of social structure, but also temporal. It represents the complete male life cycle. The young male migrant is usually unmarried, and after the initial period undergoes the transition to maturity, marriage and the hopeful achievement of the final householder stage.

Money and the Man - Cash is a very visible and important aspect of local life. From festivals to donations, cash is held aloft for all to see. It is a vital sign of success and masculinity. Especially in Kerala, a man must be someone with liquidity, not just an owner of assets. A young man's value is considered in monetary terms, which is how much he commands on the dowry market. A mature man is partly valued by his earning power measured in cash. The relatively easier means of growing one's cash wealth is one of the main motivators of male migration to the Gulf states. Among younger males, the means of accumulating money is not as important as the amount. Importantly, the authors state that migration helps keep one's reputation by concealing the occupation and method of earning one's livelihood (ie. the source of cash,) from the incidence of consumption and spending which is usually at one's native place, thus increasing the focus on the result of one's earnings.

Now that we have examined migration through the lens of Kerala males and the universal quest for masculinity, we look at the effect that this has on the other half of the population, namely the women of Kerala.

Very few people consider the enormous transformation undergone by the Kerala women when they are left behind while the men migrate to the Gulf. Nearly 80 per cent of them were in the 25-year to 40-year age group. Their average age is around 34 years.

Impact of migration on Gulf wives

The impact of migration on the Gulf wives makes its presence felt in several ways, the most important of which is through remittances and husband-wife physical separation. Remittances have brought in considerable income to Gulf wives and their households which has led to several changes in lifestyle and consumption patterns, such as ownership of land, housing

; the health status of the members of the households